Although the effects of the 1924 immigration restrictions are difficult to untangle from other developments
— wars, technological advancements, the baby boom
— wages rose for U.S.-born workers in places affected by the immigrant restrictions.

But only briefly.

Employers avoided paying more by hiring workers from Mexico and Canada,
countries not subject to immigration caps;

American-born workers from small towns migrated to urban areas
and alleviated shortages.

Farms turned to automation to replace the missing labor.

The coal mining industry,
which was powered by immigrants now barred from entry,
shrank.

And today?

Construction wages have been rising,
even as home building has been sluggish
— a potential indication that deportations in the immigrant-heavy industry are bidding up salaries.

The union representing workers in the pork processing industry sees an upside, too,
even though it opposes deportations
and won wage increases after President Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s immigration surge.

“I will certainly bring it up at the bargaining table
that the way to solve a labor shortage is to pay more money,”
said Mark Lauritsen,
head of the meatpacking division at the United Food and Commercial Workers Union International.

The same is true in landscaping.

Immigrant crews, working outside,
were an easy deportation target over the summer.

Come spring,
said Kim Hartmann,
an executive at a Chicago-area landscaping firm,
the labor force could be 10 to 20 percent smaller.

"It’s going to be much more competitive to find that individual
who’s been a foreman or a supervisor
and has years of experience,”
Ms. Hartmann said.

“We know that drives costs up.”

But there are limits to how much customers will pay for decorative shrubs,
and they may opt to go without.

One 2022 study examined the expulsion of tens of thousands of Mexicans from the United States in the early 1930s.

Contrary to the policy’s intent,
unemployment rose and wages were depressed for native-born workers,

possibly because sectors that depended on immigrant labor
— agriculture, construction and manufacturing
— suffered so much that they contracted.

The lesson of the last period of intense restriction is that
employers have an array of ways to adjust,
said Leah Boustan,
an economics professor at Yale
who studies the history of immigration.

“The menu is other sources of labor, and machinery,” she said.

“It’s not obvious that you’re going to pick the guy down the street relative to these alternatives.”

Today, that menu has expanded.

Companies can outsource jobs to other countries.

Artificial intelligence is replacing some types of work,
and other countries, like Japan,
have shown the possibilities of robotics.

But many services still require humans,
in person.

“If you’re an obstetrician, delivering a baby right in the moment,
you need hands to lay on the patient,”
said David Goldberg,
a vice president of Vandalia Health,
a network of hospitals and medical offices in West Virginia.

“It’s not the same as a banker,
or someone creating code.”

Nearly a fifth of nursing positions are currently vacant in West Virginia
— a state that is older,
sicker and poorer
than most
— and the state faces a serious shortage of physicians in the coming years.

The answer has been to look abroad.

A third of West Virginia’s physicians graduated from medical schools overseas.

Now that option is narrowing.

“We lost two cardiologists because of their concern that they wouldn’t get their visa
and, if they did,
that they would not be able to stay here permanently,”
Mr. Goldberg said.

“They went elsewhere.”

Similarly, nobody has figured out how to harvest delicate crops with machines.

During the
low-immigration 1970s,
some crops, like green onions,
disappeared from shelves or were imported instead.

“It’s not going to hop from the ground into a package without somebody’s hands being involved somewhere along the way,”
said Luke Brubaker,
who runs a dairy farm with his sons and a grandson in Pennsylvania.

To milk cows,
feed them and deliver calves,
he relies on more than a dozen foreign-born workers,
most of them Mexican.

He is not optimistic that he will be able to replace them.

“You can put an ad in the paper,” he said.

“Maybe you would have one American-born applying for that job if you need 10 people.

And that’s a maybe.”

For now, Mr. Brubaker can still find staff.

The surge of immigrants who entered the United States under President Biden
— more than eight million people
— means that many foreign-born workers are still available.

That surge helped create an
anti-immigrant backlash,
inflaming fears about crime and jobs.

It also stung immigrants who felt they had faced higher barriers than newer ones from places like Venezuela.

“The Mexican population felt that it was not fair,”
said Alfonso Medina,
who owns La Carreta,
a Tex-Mex restaurant in Marshalltown
started by his father,
a Mexican immigrant, in 2000.

“Imagine you’re here for 20, 30 years contributing.

And all of a sudden here comes this administration and starts letting people in right away with a permit.
They felt betrayed.”

In 2024, they shifted toward Mr. Trump.

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